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Collecting Aleister Crowley
  1. It’s Back To The Drawing Board For Affordable Housing At The Lower Hill Site
  2. By Gregory J. Crowley, University of Pittsburgh Press
  3. Citation Tools
  4. The Politics of Place: Contentious Urban Redevelopment in Pittsburgh
  5. When the former Civic Arena site is developed, where will people park? | Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Encinitas has put two different Housing Element plan proposals before voters -- the Measure T plan in and the Measure U plan in November. Each listed various sites where higher density housing would be permitted. Both failed to win approval. After the second plan failed, the courts stepped in and ordered the city to get the job done within days.

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The judge allowed Encinitas to temporarily exempt itself from the requirements of Proposition A to accomplish this task. The latest housing plan, a revised version of the Measure U plan, is the result of that court order.

It’s Back To The Drawing Board For Affordable Housing At The Lower Hill Site

The new complaint for declaratory relief asks the courts to permanently exempt the city from the public vote requirement when it comes to housing elements and state law. Real Estate. About Us.

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By Gregory J. Crowley, University of Pittsburgh Press

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County program could ease conservatorship process for some people with severe mental illness, addiction. San Diego, San Francisco and Los Angeles are cities that can adopt pilot programs that can place more people into conservatorship. Facebook Twitter Show more sharing options Share Close extra sharing options. Cities like Pittsburgh, Buffalo, Cleveland, Youngstown — urban core and metropolitan areas declining since — and Detroit — persistent decline in the urban core and extremely slow growth in the metropolitan region — are part of this group.

This delocalization has been favoured by specific government policies and international agreements, which have been among the most influential drivers of regional decline. In the Rustbelt, these self-filling cycles of decline have led over the decades to the creation of dystopian post-urban spaces characterized by the collapse of fundamental economic and social structures. At least in the case of the United States, urban shrinkage is in fact associated with extensively documented forms of spatialization of class and racial differences and more specifically with racial segregation and poverty concentration.

Compared to their suburban counterparts, most shrinking cities are characterized by very low median income levels, high poverty and incarceration rates and also by the spread of epidemics and other health problems.

As already mentioned, these indicators of social disadvantage are linked to a racial composition of the population characterized in most cases by a majority of African-American residents and by the underrepresentation of whites and non-African-American minorities. For all these reasons, there is a need to revisit the urban shrinkage literature in order to engage with larger set of phenomena and factors characterizing cities that are experiencing demographic decline.

Competition with booming suburbs, edge cities and raising Sunbelt metropolitan regions on residential, retail and offices markets, have pushed city governments to aggressively pursue private reinvestments in the inner city, often embracing imaginary visions of entertainment and tourist developments Coppola, ; Harvey, Business-friendly fiscal and planning policies have been accompanied by the spread of massive downtown redevelopment programs, aimed at re-branding declining inner-cities Hackworth, Recently, a discourse more based on the acceptance of decline as a structural condition of these cities has emerged within academic, policy-making and community development circles looking for a new paradigm of urban development.

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The city of Cleveland, Ohio, has been in recent years at the forefronts of this conversation, becoming one of the major sites for the development and the experimentation of related innovative practice and policies. I argue that some of these policies may represent a shift from previous neoliberal urban development policies. During the early 20 th century, the city rose to prominence as a centre of industry, especially in steal manufacturing, thank to it strategic location on the Cuyahoga River and Lake Erie.

Key industries included primary metals, fabricated metals, nonelectrical machinery, and transportation equipment Cowell, At that time, policies addressed first the issue of downtown decline through urban renewal programs that were deemed to a failure Jenkins, In this context, right after the end of the populist parenthesis and with the city on the edge of bankruptcy, a new administration led by Mayor George Voinovich took the lead of a growth-oriented coalition composed by business leaders and major philanthropic institutions Hill, In the s, the long-time neglected city waterfront became the privileged locus of this vision with the construction of flagship projects such as the Rock and Roll of Fame and the Nasa Center.

The number of new housing units and the long-term increase in real estate values has been assumed as the key indicators of success for community development projects McQuarry, , while growing attention has been devoted to the expansion of homeownership in city neighborhoods. This uneven urban geography is deeply related to highly fragmented urban governance characterized by the peculiar role of localized private and not for profit urban actors engaged in the development, management and market promotion of their respective locations.

The Politics of Place: Contentious Urban Redevelopment in Pittsburgh

Overall, in recent years, both in the downtown and neighbourhoods variations, the urban policy agenda — and the culture of the main actors involved in their ideation and implementation — has been structured around the guiding principle of growth. Demographic and economic decline experienced by the city has been perceived of course as a serious concern but it has not been interpreted as a structural condition that the city could not overcome by its own means.

Since the mid- s, Cleveland has become the poster-child of the spread of sub-prime lending in the US real estate market and of the subsequent foreclosure crisis. In the late s already, foreclosure rate increased significantly, alarming community activists and city officials Keating, The combined effects of place-based and race-based targeting of predatory loans — and later of foreclosures — made Cleveland East Side the epicentre of the crisis Aalbers, As a result the collapse of the real estate market, housing prices have fallen dramatically.

In the Census, circa Almost half of these were deemed nuisance properties, requiring in most cases to be eventually demolished. REOs legal owners largely fail to maintain and preserve those low-value foreclosed homes that have not been sold on a sheriff sale. Almost all the houses that are sold at sales are acquired by out-of-state corporations and buyers that have no knowledge of the neighbourhood. All these phenomena put additional pressure on already distressed and destabilized neighborhoods and housing markets.

In the same years, the demographic decline of the city and its suburban counties accelerated. By , the city population had returned approximately to the population it had around , These policies — that represent the core of what we hypothesize to be a proper policy shift — are threefold: assembling urban land, repurposing the land through innovative uses, and localizing production and consumption. Since , the city of Cleveland operates a land bank aimed at acquiring vacant land and making it available to development projects. With the foreclosures crisis, the city has supported a countywide solution with the foundation of the Cuyahoga County Land Re-utilization Corporation, which is in operation since Its powers, that are significantly larger if compared to the ones of the City Land Bank, include the acquisition, management and transfer of real estate property and land, the implementation of code enforcement and nuisance abatement including demolition, the purchase of delinquent property tax lien certificates and the issue of bonds, the involvement in financial activities coherent with the goals of the agency Lind and Keating, Since its foundation, the agency has been aggressively acquiring REOs and other vacant properties, renovating vacant houses to make them available on the market again and implementing large demolition programs.

The decision to proceed to demolition is based on the evaluation of structural conditions, on the market potential of the area and on the eventual availability of CDCs willing to acquire the properties and renovate them for residential use. Through specific programs, involving CDCs and other not for profit organizations, the land bank has in fact saved approximately housing units involved in the foreclosures crisis and made them available through rent-to-own programs and other tools Keating, Once vacated, the land is transferred to the city land bank — that now owns over The agency secures the funding for its operations through different channels ranging from federal government grants — in particular from the Neighborhood Stabilization Program NSP — to funding provided by the Environmental Protection Agency EPA and by the issue of its own bonds sale.

However, its primary and steadiest source of funding comes from interests and penalties on unpaid or delinquent property taxes and assessments collected by the Cuyahoga County Auditor Keating, In , the City of Cleveland passed a new comprehensive plan — the Connecting Cleveland Citywide Plan — which is based on the acknowledgment of the realities of structural shrinkage.

When the former Civic Arena site is developed, where will people park? | Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

In this context, new productive uses of the land — and more specifically urban agriculture — are seen as key in repurposing vacant lots, promoting neighbourhood quality of life and access to fresh food in the city. A key actor in these changes has been the Cleveland-Cuyahoga Food Policy Coalition, a network of organizations active in the field of food justice and urban agriculture founded in The city is also active in the promotion and support of new urban agriculture projects through different programs — administrated both by the Department of Community Development and the Department of Economic Development — aimed at offering financial and technical support to grassroots efforts.

Thanks also to these policy changes, the city of Cleveland has recently experienced a very significant expansion of the land involved in agricultural production with some of the projects achieving a relevant size and scope Schuering, The programme is the outcome of a study of vacant-land reuse strategies promoted by a partnership between the city administration, a local Community Development Intermediary named Neighborhood Progress and the Urban Design Center at Kent State University.

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An Idea Book for Vacant Land Strategies was developed by the partnership with the provision of designs, budgets, resources and guidance to possible grassroots projects. Following a pilot programme funded by Neighborhood Progress, the City Administration has granted Considering these new rounds of funding, the Reimagining Cleveland Initiative has promoted over projects since its injection, ranging from agricultural sites, side-yard expansions and ecological restoration programs promoted by grassroots and informal groups, Community Development Corporations and individuals.

The land repurposed by these projects has been made available in most cases by the City of Cleveland Land Bank — that in many cases received it from the County Land Bank — and leased for symbolical sums to grassroots groups and CDCs while, in the case of side yard expansion, the land has been instead sold — always for very low prices — to individual homeowners.